Opinion: Thailand’s Threat Game–Self-Destructive Maneuvers Based on Outdated Information

Opinion: Thailand’s Threat Game–Self-Destructive Maneuvers Based on Outdated Information

Following a brief border skirmish between Cambodia and Thailand that led to the killing of a Cambodian soldier on May 28, 2025, tensions have been escalated in other areas especially restrictions of border crossings and transnational economic activities.

The tit-for-tat restrictive measures are textbook examples of how interdependence has been exploited for national security at the expense of bourgeoning trade relations that benefit both sides.

Interdependence used to be the cornerstone of peacebuilding, and confidence-building.

A unilateral series of border measures was ordered by Bangkok on June 6, ranging from closures and arbitrary hours at major border crossings like Poipet, which have interrupted flows of goods and people from both sides.

In response, on June 13, the Cambodian government shut down the Doung border crossing in Battambang province that has led to significant congestion, with many trucks loaded with Thai produce stranded at the border.

On June 17, Cambodia banned all imports of Thai fruit and vegetables in response to Thailand’s refusal to fully open all border checkpoints.

On June 21, Military Region 2 of the Thai army informed about its unilateral decision to close Choub Korki border checkpoint at Oddar Meanchey province. In response, Cambodia also decided to close another checkpoint at Choam, together with Choub Korki checkpoint.

Prime Minister Hun Manet expressed his strange feeling that, while Thai political leaders, including the prime minister, have repeatedly requested for bilateral negotiation to reopen border checkpoints, Thai army continues to unilaterally close or change times of closing border checkpoints.

Following the border closures, Thailand has unilaterally initiated several other measures, some of which are based on outdated information that seems to suggest that Cambodia is one-sidedly dependent on Thailand.

Here’s some outdated information that has led Thailand to take reckless actions, underestimate Cambodia’s position, and even adopt an arrogant and condescending attitude toward Cambodia.

These unilateral actions are aimed at crippling Cambodia’s economy, but so far Cambodia has responded strongly with retaliatory measures that could also harm the Thai economy.

First, the idea that Cambodia depends on electricity and internet from Thailand.

On June 10, Thailand was considering on a proposal raised by the army’s supreme commander to cut cross-border electricity and internet supplies to Cambodia.

In response, on June 12, Cambodia announced that it will cease importing electricity and internet from Thailand.
Internet was slow for a few days, but it became normal without any disruption.

Cambodian Minister of Mines and Energy Keo Rottanak clarified that Cambodia currently has sufficient electricity and is not importing any power from Thailand into its national grid.

In the past, a power outage in Vietnam caused a one-hour blackout across Cambodia on the evening of November 26, 2015, during the Water Festival.

This is no longer the case as the country has invested heavily in hydropower, making it almost self-sufficient and even has a surplus ready to be exported to the ASEAN Power Grid with a high percentage of green elements.

Cambodia has reached 62% renewable energy capacity and it aims to increase the share of renewable energy to 70% by 2030, which is double the benchmark of ASEAN set for 2025.

Cambodia’s current power generation capacity has expanded to 5,360 MW, with 3,600 MW capable of stable, continuous supply – a 25-fold increase over the last two decades. Today, 99.15% of villages across Cambodia have access to electricity, and 95.24% of households are connected to the national grid.

Second, the idea that Cambodia depends on fuel imports from Thailand.

Thai opposition party was reportedly asked for the stop of fuel export to Cambodia, and in response Cambodia said it would consider banning all canned food from Thailand.

The move to ban fuel exports is likely to harm Thailand more than Cambodia, as fuel is generally a replaceable commodity and readily available on the international market.

According to the World Bank, in 2022, the top partner countries from which Cambodia imported fuels include Thailand, Vietnam, Singapore, and Indonesia. Cambodia imported USD 1.06 billion from Thailand, followed by USD 1.05 billion from Vietnam, USD 489 million from Singapore, and USD 401 million from Indonesia, out of the total 33 importing partners with a combined total import of USD 3.6 billion.

Cambodia has choices.

It is worth to note that with constant economic growth, the size of Cambodia’s middle-class is growing and so does its purchasing power.

Thai convenience store chain 7-Eleven is expanding rapidly in Cambodia, where it opened its 100th at the end of 2023. The response from Cambodian consumers has been consistently positive, with some branches achieving a customer base of more than 1,000 consumers.

Thailand has been a preferred destination for tourism for Cambodian middle-class, mainly for shopping and medical tourism. In June, the Cambodian market has contracted by 48% to 14,758, of which 48% travelled by air and 51.9% via land borders. Last year Cambodian arrivals totaled 553,060 with daily arrivals averaging 1,500.

Many Thais have never been to Cambodia and still perceive the country as backward and poor; people are oppressed, everyone is afraid of power like in a communist state, people are not well educated, etc.

In fact, many tourists who have visited Cambodia often find themselves surprised and begin to question all the prejudices they had towards Cambodia.

Third, the idea that Cambodians are heavily dependent on works in Thailand and that Thailand’s minimum wage is three times higher than in Cambodia.

Such report is incorrect.

Thailand’s minimum wage has been adjusted across all provinces, ranging from 337 (USD 9.73) to 400 baht (USD 11.55) per day which is about USD 300 per month.

Meanwhile, Cambodia’s minimum wage in 2025 was set at USD 208. Normally, Cambodian factories often advertise their recruitment opportunities with a monthly salary of at least USD 250. Some Cambodian factories and farms are in need of workers, and the Cambodian government has invited them to return to work in the country.

When Thailand decided to crack down on illegal laborers in June 2014, at least 250,000 Cambodians were cramped in trucks and dumped at the border. A human rights group accused the Thai military of “cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment” towards the workers.

This time is different from the past because Thailand too needs Cambodian workers, as well as other migrant workers, to support its large economy especially in job sectors that Thai people do not want to do anymore.

To suggest that Cambodia’s economy is relying heavily on Thailand is incorrect. Both countries are interdependent, and both sides have choices on international market.

Cambodia is a very open economy with diversified partners.

It’s wrong to assume that the Cambodian economy will collapse at the mercy of Thailand. Thai products have been a preferred option for Cambodian consumers, but it’s not the only one. And in this context of generally interchangeable consumer goods and tourist destinations, the power lies with the consumers, not the sellers.

The question now facing both countries is who started first and who must finish first.

Emerging from the crisis in a win-win and face-saving manner is an extremely complex solution that requires careful thoughts, political mastery, mutual respect and equality.

Such a solution must also be based on national commitment and concrete actions to suppress ultranationalism on both sides.

Cambodia and Thailand are eternal neighbors, and therefore, threats and unilateral actions should be avoided to de-escalate tensions, restore trust, and work out solutions that benefit the well-being of both peoples.

Sim Vireak is a Cambodian writer and civil servant. He has written articles on various topics related to Cambodia’s political economy, development, and foreign affairs. The opinions expressed are his own.