Opinion: Thailand: The cost of policy and leadership or the lack of it (Part 1)
Opinion: Thailand: The cost of policy and leadership or the lack of it (Part 1)
Khmer Times | Thailand’s reckless policies toward its neighbors and lack of clear leadership have severely strained its own international standing and its relations with its neighbors.
This two-part series examines the consequences on previously good neighborly relations caused by Thailand’s domestic political complications, most notably the lack of clear policies and leadership.
Cambodia has no interest in meddling in Thailand’s internal affairs
The article does not seek to express interest in Thailand’s domestic affairs and sovereign decision to choose its leader.
Previously, when Cambodia was accused of meddling, it was rather puzzling. Such narrative seems to equally suggest that Cambodia is too powerful and influential that it can change Thai Prime Minister on its will but this is not the case.
It is totally within Thailand’s internal affairs to choose and topple Thai Prime Minister. Thai constitutional court did not decide based on the instructions from Cambodian Senate President Hun Sen but rather on the former Thai Prime Minister’s incapability to rule the country.
Cambodia knows best what foreign interference means and one only needs to grasp a copy of Cambodia’s history book to easily find out that most of Cambodia’s history was about foreign invasions, occupations and interferences.
Foreign invasions and occupations do not constitute ownership rights.
All civilized nations should teach proper history, differentiating the past glory of imperialism, militarism, and expansionism with the current rules-based international order in which territorial sovereignty is decided on the basis of international law, not force.
Given its unfortunate history, Cambodia is more inclined to adopt a defensive rather than an offensive mentality. It does not seek to revive the past glory of the Khmer Empire, which dates back long before the creation of Siam. Such a historical debate and revival of former glory, aimed at revising existing borders, would create chaos and prevent all nations from living in peace.
Cambodia does not need to be lectured about domestic interference because Cambodia has been living with it even until today.
No country in the whole Southeast Asia that has its domestic politics being over-internationalized like Cambodia.
When foreign diplomats come on daily basis to discuss and give instructions on how to run your government, that is called domestic interference.
When Cambodians who have different nationalities, have never set foot in Cambodia, have never paid taxes to the Cambodian government, but foreign governments feel compelled to have the inherent right to have a say in Cambodian politics because of these naturalized citizens of their own countries, to pass laws that restrict Cambodia’s right to self-determination, that is called internal interference.
In Cambodian history books, it is not difficult to identify instances where Cambodia was not even allowed to decide its own destiny. These occasions were countless.
It is true that Thailand’s domestic politics is not a matter that should concern Cambodia, but when Thailand’s domestic complications have degenerated into dangerous ultra-nationalism and militarism that aims to harm Cambodia’s sovereignty, security and the excellent previous bilateral friendship, then Cambodia has every right to be concerned.
Cambodia’s peace is supported by peaceful borders created by friendship, cultural linkages, trade, political trust and a lasting and stable border based on international law.
Cambodia has had no choice but to refer border disputes in the Mom Bei area and around the temples of Ta Moan Thom, Ta Moan Tauch, and Ta Krabei to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), as bilateral mechanisms have been exhausted. These four areas are considered the most dangerous flashpoints along the more than 800-kilometer bilateral border with Thailand. So many years without progress demonstrate a blatant lack of commitment, if not a betrayal, to the peaceful resolution of disputes.
Except for the four areas mentioned above, Cambodia still relies on bilateral mechanisms to resolve border issues with Thailand, but the latter should demonstrate sincerity, consistency and a clear line of command to ensure that negotiations can be conducted on the basis of international law and practices.
It is painful to see that the bilateral negotiations with Thailand have gone nowhere for more than ten years due to Thailand’s domestic political complications, while Cambodia has completed almost 90% of boundary demarcation and marker planting works with Laos and Vietnam.
For now, Cambodia has no confidence in bilateral mechanisms because Thailand is not showing any progress like Vietnam and Laos have, and with the Thai leadership vacuum, Cambodia fears that any agreement reached today will be omitted by the next.
The Thai government and the Thai military do not speak the same language.
Thailand’s two-faced approach has undermined trust and negotiation process.
Thailand’s political confusion must be managed by the Thai people, not misused to provoke border conflicts with its neighbors. The fact that the Thai Constitutional Court unanimously agreed to consider the petition against the Thai Prime Minister constitutes an official declaration acknowledging the country’s internal confusion.
Thailand should stop exporting its internal confusion to its neighbors. Cambodia has its own domestic problems and development to address.
All of Cambodia’s actions were acts of self-defense and a reaction to Thailand’s unilateral and irresponsible policies born out of a lack of clear Thai leadership.
By Chan Kunthiny, a Phnom Penh-based geopolitical and security analyst. The views and opinions expressed here are the author’s own.
